Context of the Paraguayan Presidential Election
This is a guest post.
Samuel Fishman lives in Paraguay where he teaches English with an English Teaching Assistant Fulbright grant from the U.S. Department of State. He graduated from Tulane University with a B.A. in Political Economy. He is originally from Baltimore, Maryland. .
This month marks the
one-year anniversary of the political protests that reverberated through Paraguay on March
31st of last year. On that day, thousands of Paraguayans of all ages and
political stripes took to the streets of the capital city Asunción and
throughout the nation. Over the course of the chaotic night the national
Congress building was lit on fire by demonstrators and a young protester was shot and killed by police. In spite of the
violence however, over the course of this year the protests have showed
themselves to have a number of durable effects, most notably a dramatic
increase in youth political involvement and the strengthening of local
independent media outlets. These two effects will be
critical factors when Paraguayans go to the polls this Sunday to choose their next president.
The demonstrations were a response to a proposed constitutional amendment to allow Presidents to seek re-election, which is verboten by the national constitution. Opposition to the amendment stemmed from two objections, once substantive and one procedural. South America’s longest continuous dictatorship ended in Paraguay in 1989, so Paraguayans remain skeptical of any strengthening of executive power. On the procedural side, the amendment (enmienda) emerged from a secret closed-doors session of the Paraguayan Senate, and received support from traditional bitter political rivals from the two largest political parties. These strange bedfellows were seen as cooperating for self-serving political strategy; both parties stand to gain from extended term limits.
The demonstrations were a response to a proposed constitutional amendment to allow Presidents to seek re-election, which is verboten by the national constitution. Opposition to the amendment stemmed from two objections, once substantive and one procedural. South America’s longest continuous dictatorship ended in Paraguay in 1989, so Paraguayans remain skeptical of any strengthening of executive power. On the procedural side, the amendment (enmienda) emerged from a secret closed-doors session of the Paraguayan Senate, and received support from traditional bitter political rivals from the two largest political parties. These strange bedfellows were seen as cooperating for self-serving political strategy; both parties stand to gain from extended term limits.
However, it appears that backlash to the enmienda triggered some positive
changes. Historically, levels of youth engagement in Paraguayan politics have
been low. A recent survey by the Centro de Información y Recursos para elDesarrollo showed that thirty-four percent of respondents believe many young
people do not vote due to a lack of interest in politics and elections. Yet, a series of growing youth mobilization
efforts following the enmienda suggests
March 31st marked a turning point of sorts. Ever since, the streets have
flooded with massive youth-led non-violent demonstrations to raise awareness
for women's rights, LGBT rights, the environment, and other progressive
causes. Notably, these events often unite trabajdores,
empleadas, universitarios, campesinos and
many disparate groups into broad, inclusive coalitions.
Clearly, the enmienda
counter-protests spurred increased youth political engagement. However,
other parts of civil society were also affected, namely, the media. The
mainstream Paraguayan media has long been dominated by a handful of brazenly
partisan newspapers, some of the largest of which are owned by the outgoing
multibillionaire President Horacio Cartes. As the night´s events unfolded,
citizens spurned traditional media outlets and increasingly turned to social
media and independent media for crucial real time information. As I huddled
with a group of university students, they ignored the talking heads blaring
from a nearby car radio, and refreshed Twitter for updates. On the other hand,
alternative media outlets were thrust into the spotlight with innovative
coverage techniques. These sources racked up tens of thousands of views with
Facebook Live streams of Congressional debate, shot on personal cell phones. Online streams of
the burning Congress building and bloodied opposition politicians
immediately went viral, dramatically increasing the viewership of independent
media outlets.
Throughout Latin America, as nations have transitioned
from dictatorships to democracies, many have struggled with “flexible” term
limits for heads of state. A series of countries including Venezuela, Bolivia,
Honduras, Nicaragua, and Ecuador have lifted presidential term limits. In Paraguay however, citizen outcry was
strong enough that the controversial enmienda
was retracted and the executive term limit remains in force. When
Paraguayans go to the polls this Sunday to choose their next president, the
politically empowered Paraguayan youth and the strengthened independent media will
play a critical role. University students are organizing on-campus debates between candidates while new
media sources are using YouTube, Facebook, WhatsApp memes, and other web
platforms to broadcast information about the election directly to voters. While
the enmienda project itself failed, one year later its political legacy later
remains strong. These two factors, youth involvement and independent media,
could play a deciding role in this Sunday’s presidential election and the
future of Paraguayan politics.
1 comments:
Thank you for your informative, concise and objective information.
Post a Comment