Monday, July 05, 2010

Fidel's latest offering

If you would like a definition of incoherent and rambling, check out Fidel Castro's latest column.  It is a hazy mix of World Cup and how the Iraqi government under Saddam Hussein was a good friend to Cuba, with some references to Iran sprinkled in.  Oh, and we're going to have nuclear war.  Signed, Fidel.

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Sunday, July 04, 2010

Michael Lewis' The Big Short

I read Michael Lewis' The Big Short: Inside the Doomsday Machine (by the way, what kind of terrible subtitle is that?) and highly recommend it as a perversely entertaining and straightforward narrative of how subprime mortgages were bundled into bonds few people understood, given too-high ratings, and then traded for enormous sums of money on the assumption that the booming housing market would go on forever.  The book focuses on the handful of people who realized it was all bogus and absolutely could not last.  As I read it, I kept thinking about Kurt Eichenwald's Conspiracy of Fools, another good book that tells the story of the bizarre and complex pyramid schemes dreamed up by Enron executives.  Everyone thinks they can make money by creating nothing, and indeed even having companies sell their own bad investments to themselves.


And the bonds that had been most ineptly rated were the bonds that Wall Street firms had tricked the ratings agencies into rating most ineptly.  "I cannot fucking believe this is allowed," said Eisman.  "I must have said that one thousand times" (p. 101).

Indeed, it was the bundling that helps accounts for the disaster.  Good mortgages were bundled with bad, and then sold as if they were all good.  Further, even different types of bad mortgages could be made to look good.

By assuming that one pile of subprime mortgage loans wasn't exposed to the same forces as another--that a subprime mortgage bond with loans heavily concentrated in Florida wasn't very much like a subprime mortgage bond more concentrated in California--the engineers created the illusion of security (p. 74).

We all know the outcome, and the story of greed and stupidity is not exactly uplifting.

With its personality-driven style, the book only touches on the broader structural issue of how regulation and deregulation created the environment in the first place, though it does not claim to do so.  What it also does not delve into is the fact that the "heroes" of the story, that is, the Steve Eismans of Wall Street who spoke out about how it was all a lie, made money only because of massive collapse.  Yes, Lewis does bring it up, but there is a broader point to be made about how in many ways these guys aren't heroes at all.  They were very smart, but they got rich only because many Americans got screwed.  At least Lewis does make the point that nothing has really changed.  Once the economy picks up again, something like this will definitely reoccur.

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Saturday, July 03, 2010

Ecuador and Colombia, continued

I mentioned last week the possibility that the phone tapping allegations against Colombia were intended to halt the slowly improving relations between Colombia and Ecuador.  It appears that both Rafael Correa and Alvaro Uribe agree.  That agreement is hopefully a good sign, as the two countries need to move closer if they have any hope of attacking the FARC along their shared border.  Really, no good can come out of an indefinite break of diplomatic relations.  It will certainly make Colombia less secure.

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Call for papers: women and defense

Mick Andersen, who is editor of Security and Defense Review (the journal of the Center for Hemispheric Defense Studies) has issued a call for papers for a special issue on "Women in Defense and Security."


Among the issues we hope to address in the Fall/Winter edition are the following:

        • Questions of gender in a variety of different contexts, including global; regional; military, police, and peacekeeping; and security and defense institution building;
        • An examination of what currently exists in terms of career paths for women in security and defense; what has worked and what more needs to be done to help ensure gender equity, including analyses of what countries have already done (or could do), both in terms of political appointments and in the civil service, to ensure both paths are open to women;
        • Potential opportunities for women as a result of both the expansion of, and changes in, the roles and missions of security and defense forces, where relevant;
        • Country-specific examples from the Western Hemisphere of where measures have been taken to ensure equitable education and training opportunities for women.
        • Role of women in science, technology, education, and math (hard skill sets) in supporting national security institutions.
        • The roles of women in security and defense in comparative perspective, with emphasis on region, but also in comparison with other regions.
Among the questions we hope these and other topics help answer are the following:
    • How does gender inclusion and mainstreaming contribute to effective security and defense institution building?
    • How do considerations of gender inform action plans, directives and operations in the military, police and peacekeeping context?
    • What is being done and what is missing for implementation and education?'
    • What is the role of the media in Perception and Reality vis-à-vis women in defense and security?
We are asking for two types of submissions for consideration for publication.
The first category will  be comprised of standard academic papers of between 5,000-12,000 words in length examining these and other related issues. Those interested in offering these kinds of contributions are encouraged to take a look at the most recent issue of the Security and Defense Studies Review so as to keep papers submitted as close as possible to standard SDSR format.
The second type of contributions we seek are 500-1,000 word contributions by women security and defense professionals about their own experiences. Of particular interest are those stories which address obstacles faced; personal strategies used to contribute to individual advancement, professional education and training, and institutional awareness; the roles of mentors; continued challenges, and new opportunities. (Please note: We do not wish to publish contributions heavy with rhetorical flourishes or unseemly generalizations; we do want frank, sincere, insightful and refreshing looks at critical issues women face, in their own words, based on their own experiences.) 


We also welcome a smaller number of pieces of the same length written by men that help promote understanding and dialogue about critical issues facing women professionals in defense and security. These, too, should avoid rhetorical and time-worn devices, and focus on insights based on personal experience and observation.


The deadline for submission of both types of contributions is September 17th, after which we will select no more than 10 articles from the first category and 15 from the second for publication. We hope to publish this dedicated volume before the end of this year.

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Friday, July 02, 2010

Another presidential immigration speech

President Obama has again made a speech calling for immigration reform.  This is now problematic, because the political calculations behind these speeches are so transparent that they no longer have any impact--does anyone believe Obama will push hard for reform this year?  In fact, they may well have the opposite effect--the Latino voters he wants to reach are being told over and over that the Democratic Party wants their vote, yet it becomes more and more clear that speeches alone are supposed to hold those votes indefinitely.

Obama is hoping to minimize the damage that afflicts the president's party in Congress in midterm elections.  Fair enough.  But we're moving gradually toward a crying wolf situation in which people--including Republicans he claims to want to court--simply stop believing he will really take action.

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Thursday, July 01, 2010

Media persecution in Cuba

Reading Amnesty International's press release about intimidation of journalists raises two interesting questions.

First, this alone isn't news, and is worded as if the state "has created" a climate of fear somehow in recent years, as opposed to having constructed one since 1959.

Second, the fact that independent journalists exist in Cuba is newsworthy, even if it is to highlight how they are persecuted.  But it points to the need for an analysis (and maybe one already exists) of independent journalism in Cuba.  Who is their audience?  To what degree does the average Cuban have access to their work, or even know that they exist?  Are they entirely online?

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Wednesday, June 30, 2010

Arturo Pérez-Reverte's Captain Alatriste

I have to give a quick shout out to Arturo Pérez-Reverte, even though his books focus on Spain and not Latin America.  To like these books, you must enjoy good writing, with a rich social class texture of Madrid under the reign of Philip IV (they take place in the 1620s) but also a male-oriented swashbuckling theme with sometimes thin plots (fyi, he does also write contemporary mysteries that take place in Spain).  I just read Captain Alatriste, which is actually the third I've read, but perhaps the best of the three.

Aside from just fun reading, what I always enjoy about the books is their richly detailed examination of the severe decline of the Spanish Empire, political, economically, and culturally, with a view from the bottom run of society.  Pérez-Reverte is absolutely unsparing:

Aragonese and Catalans were shielded by their laws; Portugal was patched together; commerce was in the hands of foreigners; finances were the purview of Genoese bankers; and no one worked except the wretched, exploited by the tax collectors of the aristocracy and the king.  And in the midst of this all that corruption and madness, moving against the course of history, like a beautiful, terrifying animal that still slashed and clawed yet at the heart was eaten by a malignant tumor, our poor Spain was worm-eaten inside, condemned to an inexorable decadence that did not escape the clear eyes of don Francisco de Quevedo (p. 60).

You see a Spain in full-fledged political and economic decline.  The court is corrupt, the priests of the Inquisition have seemingly unlimited power, and industry is disparaged, yet even the mercenaries view themselves in nationalist terms.

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Tuesday, June 29, 2010

We got computers, we're tappin' phone lines

There are no concrete sources, but an "unidentified Colombian intelligence officer" says that Colombia has been tapping the phone of Rafael Correa and others in Ecuador.  Given everything that the DAS does, it is entirely plausible.  It all started after the Colombian attack on the FARC over the border in Ecuador, presumably in the belief that Correa knew about and perhaps even was complicit with the FARC.

I would take this also to mean, though, that if they've tapping phones for two years and have said nothing, they have found no such link.

It is also plausible that someone in Colombia wants to help scuttle the slowly thawing relationship between Ecuador and Colombia by angering Correa.  Even if not, what accounts for the timing of the revelation?

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Monday, June 28, 2010

Congress and immigration

A few days ago, eight Republican senators sent a letter to President Obama in the face of rumors that he would issue an executive order stopping (at least temporarily) the deportation of undocumented immigrants with no criminal convictions.  I found the following particularly absurd:

`We understand that there's a push for your administration to develop a plan to unilaterally extend either deferred action or parole to millions of illegal aliens in the United States,'' the letter reads. ``While deferred action and parole are Executive Branch authorities, they should not be used to circumvent Congress' constitutional authority to legislate immigration policy, particularly as it relates to the illegal population in the United States.''


Three thoughts come to mind:

First, this is coming from senators who adamantly refuse to exert their constitutional authority on the matter.

Second, they did not write a letter complaining about states like Arizona circumventing their constitutional authority.

Third, this sort of thing helps you understand why Congress is so abysmally unpopular.

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Sunday, June 27, 2010

Larry McMurtry on Arizona

The novelist Larry McMurtry has a take on Arizona in the New York Review of Books that is worth a look.


But the sadness I feel at the border is not because of the violence: it’s the eternal struggle of poverty with plenty, a struggle that humiliates and degrades both parties. The only winners are the franchises of McDonald’s and Taco Bell in Douglas or Nogales, Arizona. If we capture those poor people—as we do by the thousands—it’s mandated that we have to feed them, before we send them back across the border.
I don’t see this changing. The ridiculous fences won’t change it. As former Arizona governor Janet Napolitano crisply remarked: “Show me a forty-nine-foot fence and I’ll show you a fifty-foot ladder.” True. The Arizona legislature is basically spinning its wheels. Observe the increasingly Hispanic midwest, where more and more middle-class Latinos are now bringing in their poor cousins to care for their gardens and milk their dairy cows. And the Anglos can’t stop it with laws. For every Mexican deported two or three more will make it through. The numerical edge is with the “brown ones” from the south.
Tucson has always felt like an easygoing Sonoran city, which is one reason I like it. Phoenix has become a portal for just about anything bad. Senate Bill 1070 fails to deal with problems that have been there since the 1850s, when John Russell Bartlett, the New Englander who was responsible for establishing a border between the US and Mexico, drew a line in the desert where, for numberless centuries no line had been. Confusing to the native people, it has led us, inexorably, to the tragic place where we are now.

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Saturday, June 26, 2010

Brewer and immigration

I can't help but comment on Arizona Governor Jan Brewer's following statement:

I believe today, under the circumstances that we're facing, that the majority of the illegal trespassers that are coming into the state of Arizona are under the direction and control of organized drug cartels and they are bringing drugs in," Brewer said.

Her argument is ignorant, fact-free, and irresponsible.  There is no, and I mean no, evidence to support it.  We do know that as immigration has gone up, crime has gone down.  We also know that recent immigrants are less likely to commit crimes.  In sum, the opposite of what she claims.

This leads me to wonder, does she really believe it?  If so, it shows an alarming lack of interest in understanding immigration.  If not, it is potentially a) a political bone for her base; and b) a message to the Obama administration that it needs to help her politically with enforcement.  A letter she sent to Obama at least suggests the possibility of the second option:

I want to assure you that I am looking to develop a solution, not a standoff with you and the federal government.

Feigned ignorance is not good, but slightly better than the real thing.

For more on this, see also Steven Taylor at OTB.

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Friday, June 25, 2010

Toledo on US-Latin American Relations

Former Peruvian President Alejandro Toledo has some remarks about Barack Obama's Latin America policy, which really left me scratching my head.  He notes the huge problem of discontent with the status quo as being a major issue the U.S. must acknowledge: "one can hear the sound of 200 million poor and excluded women and men who were unable to taste the economic fruits of prosperity prior to the global financial meltdown."


Pot, meet kettle. David Scott Palmer, who has done research on Peru for years, writes the following:

Amidst violence and property damage, promises were made and not kept, decisions reached and reversed, and new programs announced  but not funded.  The president's disorganization, his libertine personal life, his assertive if talented Belgian wife, and the controversial personal advisors and family members who surrounded him all contributed to growing popular disillusionment with his administration.  Toledo's popularity declined to single digits for much of his five-year mandate, even in the context of renewed and sustained economic growth, and rumors were rife of an early resignation.*

So what we have is a former Latin American president unwittingly criticizing Obama for things he himself already badly failed at.  I come back to the Dunning-Kruger Effect.  There is research to be done there somehow.

*David Scott Palmer. "Peru: Authoritarian Traditions, Troubled Democracy."  In Howard J. Wiarda and Harvey F. Kline (eds.). Latin American Politics and Development, 6th Edition (Boulder: Westview Press, 2007): 234-267.

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Thursday, June 24, 2010

UN World Drug Report 2010

If you want a sense of how difficult the "drug war" is, take a look at the UN's World Drug Report 2010.  It makes a game effort at optimism, but the numbers are a vivid reminder of how high demand is and how high potential profits are.  For example:


Since the 1960s, and in a context of rapid and deep socioeconomic changes throughout the world, the international drug control system has succeeded in containing the spread of annual illicit drug use to around 200 million people, or 5% of the world population aged 15-64.


Can this really be considered a "glass half full" situation?  That only 200 million people use drugs?  As the report also notes, this amounts to a global $88 billion industry (that just deserves to be in bold).  And profit prompts innovation:


According to the scientific studies conducted by the DEA, in the last decade, there has been an increase in the efficiency of the clandestine laboratories employed in the three Andean countries, which has resulted in different conversion factors from leaves to cocaine. These changes are mainly due to the higher percentage of traffickers using more efficient methods to extract the cocaine.

I like optimism as much as anyone, but I don't see much to celebrate in this report.

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Piñera's (dis)approval

A new poll from CERC has Sebastián Piñera's approval at 54%.  CERC's director, the political scientist Carlos Huneeus, emphasized to the press that this was the lowest initial approval for any postauthoritarian president.  He also argued that the low approval was largely due to the fact that RN and UDI don't have the same mobilization capacity as the parties of the Concertación.  That set off a brief firestorm of comments from members of different parties interpreting it in a way favorable to them.  Patricio Navia argues that each president has started with lower numbers than his/her predecessor, simply reflecting a population becoming more critical about their presidents.

In the short term, though, I would argue that starting numbers mean little and so should not be over-analyzed.  Michelle Bachelet started fairly high, then plummeted (and then recovered).  There is still a lot of room for movement in either direction.

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Wednesday, June 23, 2010

More on Calderón and Arizona

Now this is wading into new waters--the Mexican government has filed a challenge to Arizona's immigration law, saying it is unconstitutional:


Citing "grave concerns," Mexico said its interest in having predictable, consistent relations with the United States shouldn't be frustrated by one U.S. state.
Mexico also said it has a legitimate interest in defending its citizens' rights and that the law would lead to racial profiling, hinder trade and tourism, and strain the countries' work on combatting drug trafficking and related violence.
"Mexican citizens will be afraid to visit Arizona for work or pleasure out of concern that they will be subject to unlawful police scrutiny and detention," the brief said.
It will be to a U.S. District Court judge to decide whether to accept the brief along with similar ones submitted by various U.S. organizations.

Governor Jan Brewer is mad and without providing specific examples argues that Mexico has expressed "false assertions and factual inaccuracies."  Her main point seems to be that there will be no racial profiling so the Mexican government is lying.

This is an amicus curiae brief, so although the word "challenge" is being used, it is not a lawsuit.  Instead, the Mexican government is just making sure that its side is legally heard, and ensuring it gets some press.  That decision should be viewed primarily in terms of Mexican domestic politics.  President Calderón can score a lot of points at home by standing up to the United States, and that is useful at time when the media is focused on the government's failures in the war against cartels.  There will be a certain amount of backlash, as there was when he addressed the U.S. Congress last month.  However, Calderón may figure there is not much more to lose--restrictionists can't really get any more mad.

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Tuesday, June 22, 2010

U.S.-Colombian relations

A Washington Post editorial keeps up the long-standing argument that Latin American governments are either friends or enemies.  The overall argument is to pass an FTA with Colombia as a way to show Juan Manuel Santos that we like him and to counter Hugo Chávez, even using the word "friends," "ememy," "scorn," and "disdain" to paint a black and white picture of U.S.-Colombian relations.  It also suggests that we could show our friendship by increasing military aid.

There are many valid arguments about ratifying the free trade agreement, though editorials tend not to explore them.  An FTA with Colombia will have little or no effect on Venezuela or other countries in the region, and so should be evaluated by other criteria.

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Monday, June 21, 2010

Dunning-Kruger Effect in U.S. policy

There is an article in the NYT about the Dunning-Kruger Effect, which refers to the idea that incompetent people are too incompetent to know they're incompetent.

Dunning and Kruger argued in their paper, “When people are incompetent in the strategies they adopt to achieve success and satisfaction, they suffer a dual burden: Not only do they reach erroneous conclusions and make unfortunate choices, but their incompetence robs them of the ability to realize it.  Instead, like Mr. Wheeler, they are left with the erroneous impression they are doing just fine.”

This is crying out for application to U.S. policy toward Latin America, which is loaded historically with unintended consequences, blowback, and persistent application of policies despite their obvious failure.  Most of the people making key decisions know little or nothing about Latin America, and in fact know so little that they are unaware of how little they know.

Explanations of the Cuba embargo, for example, often focus on how visceral hatred of Fidel Castro along with domestic constituencies cloud rational thinking (along these lines, see Morley and McGillion book Unfinished Business).  What if we added the hypothesis that many policy makers continued to believe the embargo would work, and their own incompetence precluded awareness not only that they weren't working, but that they couldn't?

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Sunday, June 20, 2010

Santos, Piñera and García

Juan Manuel Santos says he feels close to Alan García and Sebastián Piñera.  Does this mean he feels unpopular and rich?

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Nicaraguan land mines

A mere twenty years and over a thousand victims later, the last land mine in Nicaragua has reportedly been removed.  The Contra war was a gift that just keeps on giving.

Here is a good, brief video on the topic.

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Saturday, June 19, 2010

R. Dwayne Betts' A Question of Freedom

R. Dwayne Betts' A Question of Freedom: A Memoir of Learning, Survival, and Coming of Age in Prison (2009) is a compelling and often poetic (he is in fact a published poet) memoir of a very young African American man who was put in prison for carjacking in Virginia in the mid-1990s.  He was 16 at the time and served nine years.

It is a scattered book, and it moves back and forth chronologically.  He plead guilty, was guilty, but dances around it:

The old head wanted to blame it on rap music, and often we wanted to blame it on racism, on the society that birthed us or on the streets that gave us the language of violence.  The blame didn't work (p. 60).

But when talking about his own specific crime, he never examines the moment, why he was there, and exactly what happened:

"Talking to him gave me the chance to realize that there are people willing to judge me by who I have become, and not by a moment of insanity" (p. 236).

This may be petty, because he suffered tremendously and for no particular purpose.  He never denies the guilt, only the disproportionate nature of the punishment.

The main message of the book is that prisons are set up in a way that creates failure.  Redemption is hard, and over the years Betts--a very smart guy--has to work diligently to achieve it.  Prisons make virtually no effort at rehabilitation, or even describe what that might look like.  Betts goes through excruciating years of trying to figure himself out, and to improve himself in spite of the obstacles prisons put in front of him.  It is so difficult to rehabilitate yourself that the vast majority of prisoners simply never will.

But, at least, he did.  And how he did so is worth reading about.

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